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He chronicles his own and his AY ALA 89 father's defection in such terms as Pepys or the Vicar of Bray might use: — "They saw that Don Pedro's affairs were all awry, so they resolved to leave him, not intend- ing to return.
Loyalty he held for a vain thing compared with interest ; yet he earned his money and his lands in fight. He ever strove to be on the winning side, but luck was hostile when the Black Prince captured him at Ndjera , and when he was taken prisoner at Aljubarrota The fifteen months spent in an iron cage at the castle of Oviedes after the second defeat gave Ayala one of his opportunities.
He had wasted no chance in life, nor did he now. It were pleasant to think with Ticknor that some part of Ayala's Rimado de Palacio " was written during his imprisonment in England," — pleasant, but difficult.
To begin with, it is by no means sure that Ayala ever quitted the Penin- sula. More than this : though the Rimado de Palacio was composed at intervals, the stages can be dated approxi- mately.
The earlier part of the poem contains an allu- sion to the schism during the pontificate of Urban VI. Rimado de Palacio Court Rhymes is a chance title that has attached itself to Ayala's poem without the author's sanction.
It gives a false impression of his theme, which is the decadence of his age. Only within narrow limits does Ayala deal with courts and courtiers ; he had a wider outlook, and he scourges society at large.
Ruiz had a natural sympathy for a loose-living cleric ; Ayala lashes this sort with a thong steeped in vitriol. The one looks at life as a farce ; the other sees it as a tragedy.
Where the first finds matter for merriment, the second burns with the white indignation of the just. The deliberate mordancy of Ayala is impartial insomuch as it is universal.
Courtiers, statesmen, bishops, lawyers, merchants — he brands them all with corruption, simony, embezzlement, and exposes them as venal sons of Belial.
And, like Ruiz, he places himself in the pillory to heighten his effects. He spares not his superstitious belief in omens, dreams, and such-like fooleries ; he dis- covers himself as a grinder of the poor man's face, a libidinous perjurer, a child of perdition.
But not all Ayala's poem is given up to cursing. In his th stanza he closes what he calls his sermSn with the confession that he had written it, "being sore afflicted by many grievous sorrows," and in the re- maining stanzas Ayala breathes a serener air.
In both existing codices — that of Campo-Alange and that of the Escorial — this huge postscript follows the Rimado de Palacio with no apparent break of continuity; yet it differs in form and substance from what precedes.
The cuaderna via alone is used in the satiric and auto- biographical verses ; the later hymns and songs are metrical experiments — echoes of Galician and Provencal measures, redondillas of seven syllables, attempts to raise the Alexandrine from the dead, results derived from Alfonso's Cantigas and Juan Ruiz' loores.
In his seventy-third year Ayala was still working upon his Rimado de Palacio. Gregory's Job, If he be the writer of the Pro- verbios en Rimo de SalomSn — a doubtful point — his pre- ference for the old system is there undisguised.
Could that system have been saved, Ayala had saved it : not even he could stay the world from moving. His prose is at least as distinguished as his verse.
A treatise on falconry, rich in rarities of speech, shows the variety of his interests, and his version of Boc- caccio's De Casibus Virorum illustrium brings him into touch with the conquering Italian influence.
His refer- ence to Amadh in the Rimado de Palacio stanza , the first mention of that knight-errantry of Spain, proves acquaintance with new models.
Translations of Boetius and of St. Isidore were pastimes ; a partial rendering of Livy, done at the King's command, was of greater value. In person or by proxy, Alfonso the Learned had opened up the land of history ; Juan Manuel had summarised his uncle's work ; the chronicle of the Moor Rasis, other- wise Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Musa, had been translated from the Arabic ; the annals of Alfonso XL and his three immediate predecessors were written by some industrious mediocrity — perhaps Ferndn Sanchez de Tovar, or Juan Niifiez de Villaizdn.
These are not so much absolute history as the raw material of history. Songs, legends, idle reports, no longer serve as evidence. Ayala sifts his testimonies, compares, counts, weighs them, checks them by personal knowledge.
He deals with events which he had witnessed : plots which his crafty brain inspired, victories wherein he shared, battles in which he bit the dust.
The portraits in his gallery are scarce, but every likeness is a masterpiece rendered with a few broad strokes.
He records with cold-blooded im- partiality as a judge ; his native austerity, his knowledge of affairs and men, guard him from the temptations of the pleader.
With his unnatural neutrality go rare in- stinct for the essential circumstance, unerring sagacity in the divination and presentment of character, unerring art in preparing climax and catastrophe, and the gift of concise, picturesque phrase.
Few, if any, of the existing ballads date from Ayala's time ; and of the nineteen hundred printed in Duron's Romancero General the merest handful is older than , when Antonio de Nebrija examined their structure in his Arte de la Lengua Castellana.
Yet the older romances were numerous and long-lived enough to sup- plant the cantares de gesta, against which chronicles and annals made war by giving the same epical themes with more detail and accuracy.
In turn these chronicles afforded siijajects for romances of a later day. An illus- tration suffices to prove the point.
Representative of these innovations is the grandson of Enrique II. Villena, of whose treatise mere scraps survive, shows minute acquaintance with the works of early trovadores ; of general principles he says naught, losing himself in discursive details.
Early in followed the Trabajos de Hercules Labours of Her- cules , first written in Catalan by request of Pero Pardo, and done into Castilian in the autumn of the year.
This tedious allegory, crushed beneath a weight of pedantry, is unredeemed by ingenuity or fancy, and the style is disfigured by violent and absurd inversions which bespeak long, tactless study of Latin texts.
Juan Manuel's digni- fied restraint is lost on his successor, itching to flaunt 1 Strictly speaking, this writer should be called Enrique de Arag6n ; but, since this leads to confusion with his contemporary, the Infante Enrique de Arag6n, it is convenient to distinguish him as Enrique de Villena.
He was not a marquis, and never uses the title. Still odder is the Libro de Aoja- miento Dissertation on the Evil Eye with its three "preventive modes," as recommended by Avicenna and his brethren.
Translations of Dante and Cicero are lost, and three treatises on leprosy, on consolation, and on the Eighth Psalm are valueless. Villena piqued himself on being the first in Spain — he might perhaps have said the first anywhere — to translate the whole jEneid ; but he marches to ruin with his mimicry of Latin idioms, his abuse of inversion, and his graces of a cart-horse in the lists.
No contemporary was more famed for uni- versal accomplishment ; so that, while he lived, men held him for a wizard, and, when he died, applauded the partial burning of his books by Lope de Barrientos, afterwards Bishop of Segovia, who put the rest to his private uses.
Santillana and Juan de Mena assert that Villena wrote Castilian verse, and Baena implies as much ; if so, he was probably a common poetaster, the loss of whose rhymes is a stroke of luck.
A Castilian poem on the labours of Hercules, ascribed to him by Pellicer, is a rank forgery. Measured by his repute, Villena's works are disappointing.
But if we reflect that he translated Dante, that he strove to naturalise successful foreign methods, and that in his absurdest moments he proves his susceptibility to new ideas, we may explain his renown and his influence.
To Villena's time belong two specimens of the old encyclopaedic school : the Libro de los Gatos, translated from the Narrationes of the English monk, Odo of Cheriton ; and the Libro de los Enxemplos of Clemente SAnchez of Valderas, whose seventy-one missing stories were brought to light in by M.
The style is carefully modelled on Juan Manuel's manner. This collection, first pub- lished in , mirrors two conflicting tendencies.
The old Galician school is represented by Alfonso Alvarez de Villa- sandino sometimes called de lUescas , a copious, foul- mouthed ruffian, with gusts of inspiration and an abiding mastery of technique.
Macfas has left five songs of slight distinction, and, as a poet, ranks below Rodriguez de la Cimara. Yet he lives on the capital of his legend, the type of the lover faithful unto death, and the circumstances of his passing are a part of Castilian literature.
Quoted times innumerable, this more or less authentic story of Macfas' end ensured him an immortality far beyond the worth of his verses : it fired the popular imagination, and enters into literature in Lope de Vega's Porfiar hasta morir and in Larra's El Doncel de Don Enrique el Doliente, A like romantic memory attaches to Macfas' friend, Juan Rodriguez de la Cdmara also called Rodrfguez del Padr6n , the last poet of the Galician school, re- presented in Baena's Cancionero by a single cdntica.
The conjectures that make Rodrfguez the lover of Juan II. None the less it is certain that the writer was concerned in some myste- rious, dangerous love-affair which led to his exile, and, as some believe, to his profession as a Franciscan monk.
His seventeen surviving songs are all erotic, with the exception of the Flama del divino RayOy his best performance in thanksgiving for his spiritual conversion.
His loves are also recounted in three prose books, of which the semi-chivalresque novel, El Siervo litre de Amory is still readable.
But Rodrfguez interests most as the last representative of the Galician verse tradition. Save Ayala, who is exampled by one solitary poem, the oldest singer in Baena's choir is Pero Ferrus, the connecting link between the Galician and Italian schools.
A learned rather than an inspired poet, Ferrus is remeiti- bered chiefly because of his chancy allusion to Amadis in the stanzas dedicated to Ayala.
Imperial, as his earliest poem shows, read Arabic and English. He may have met with Gower's Confessio Amantis before it was done into Castilian by Juan de la Cuenca at the beginning of the fifteenth century — being the first translation of an English book in Spain.
Howbeit, he quotes English phrases, and offers a copy of French verses. These are trifles : Imperial's best gift to his adopted country was his transplanting of Dante, whom he imitates assiduously, reproducing the Florentine note with such happy intonation as to gain for him the style of poet — as distinguished from trovador — from Santi- llana, who awards him '' the laurel of this western land.
At least one piece by Ferrant Sdnchez Talavera is memorable — the elegy on the death of the Admiral Ruy Diaz de Mendoza, which anticipates the mournful march, the solemn music, some of the very phrases of Jorge Manrique's noble coplas.
In the Dantesque manner is Gonzalo Martinez de Medina's flagellation of the cor- ruptions of his age. Baena, secretary to Juan II.
A remarkable letter to the Constable of Portugal shows Santillana as a pleasant prose-writer ; in his rhetorical Lamentation en Propheqia de la segunda Destruyqion de Espafia he fails in the grand style, though he succeeds in the familiar with his collection of old wives' fireside proverbs, Refranes que diqen las Viejas tras el Huego.
It is impossible to say of Santillana that he was an original genius : it is within bounds to class him as a highly gifted versifier with extraordinary imitative powers.
He has no " message " to deliver, no wide range of ideas : his attraction lies not so much in what is said as in his trick of saying it. He is one of the few poets whom erudition has not hampered.
He was familiar with writers as diverse as Dante and Petrarch and Alain Chartier, and he reproduces their characteristics with a fine exactness and felicity.
But he was something more than an intelligent echo, for he filed and laboured till he acquired a final manner of his own.
Commonplace in thought, stiff in expression, the sonnets are only historically curious. It is in his lighter vein that Santillana reaches his full stature.
The grace and gaiety of his dedreSy serranillas and vaqueiras are all his own. If he borrowed suggestions from Provencal poets, he is free of the Provencal artifice, and sings with the simpli- city of Venus' doves.
Here he revealed a peculiar aspect of his many-sided temperament, and by his tact made a living thing of primitive emotions, which were to be done to death in the pastorals of heavy-handed bunglers.
The first-fruits of the pastoral harvest live in the house where Santillana garnered them, and those roses, amid which he found the milkmaid of La Finojosa, are still as sweet in his best known — and perhaps his best — ballad as on that spring morning, between Calatevefto and Santa Marfa, some four hundred years since.
Ceasing to be an imitator, Santillana proves inimitable. The official court-poet of the age was JUAN DE Mena , known to his own generation as the "prince of Castilian poets," and Cervantes, writing more than a hundred and fifty years afterwards, dubs him ''that great C6rdoban poet.
The Italian travels of his youth undid him, and set him on the hope- less line of Italianising Spanish prose. A false attribution enters the Annals of Juan II.
Simplicity and vulgarity were for him synonyms, and he carries his doctrine to its logical ex- treme by adopting impossible constructions, by wrench- ing his sentences asunder by exaggerated inversions, and by adding absurd Latinisms to his vocabulary.
These defects are less grave in his Verse, but even there they follow him. The poet is whisked by the dragons in Bellona's chariot to Fortune's palace, and there begins the inevitable imitation of Dante, with its machinery of seven planetary circles, and its grandiose vision of past, present, and future.
The work of a learned poet taking himself too seriously and straining after effects beyond his reach, the Laberinto is tedious as a whole ; yet, though Mena's imagination fails to realise his abstractions, though he be riddled with purposeless conceits, he touches a high level in isolated episodes.
A poet by flashes, at intervals rare and far apart, Mena does himself injustice by too close a devotion to aesthetic principles, that made failure a cer- tainty.
Careful, conscientious, aspiring, he had done far more if he had attempted much less. Meanwhile Castilian prose goes forward on Alfonso's lines.
Mingled with many chivalresque details concerning the hidalgos of the court is the central episode of the book, the execution of the Constable, Alvaro de Luna.
The last great scene is skilfully prepared and is recounted with artful simplicity in a celebrated pas- sage : — " He set to undoing- his doublet-collar, making ready his long garments of blue camlet, lined with fox- skins ; and, the master being stretched upon the scaffold, the executioner came to him, begged his pardon, em- braced him, ran the poniard through his neck, cut off his head, and hung it on a hook ; and the head stayed there nine days, the body three.
After much violent controversy, it may now be taken as settled that the CrSnica del Cid is based upon Alfonso's Estoria de Espanna.
The first deals with emperors and kings ranging from Alexander to King Arthur, from Charlemagne to Godfrey de Bouillon ; the second treats of saints and sages, their lives and the books they wrote ; and both are arrange- ments of some French version of Guido delle Colonne's Mare Historiarum.
Foreign critics have compared him to Plutarch and to St. He argues from the seen to the unseen with a curious anticipation of modern psychological methods; and it forms an integral part of his plan to draw his personages with the audacity of truth.
He does his share, and there they stand, living as our present-day acquaint- ances, and better known. Take a few figures at random from his gallery : Enrique de Villena, fat, short, and fair, a libidinous glutton, ever in the clouds, a dolt in practice, subtle of genius so that he came by all pure knowledge easily ; Niiftez de GuzmAn, dissolute, of giant strength, curt of speech, a jovial roysterer ; the King Enrique, grave - visaged, bitter - tongued, lonely, melancholy ; Catherine of Lancaster, tall, fair, ruddy, wine-bibbing, ending in paralysis; the Constable L6pez DAvalos, a self-made man, handsome, taking, gay, amiable, strong, a fighter, clever, prudent, but — as man must have some fault — cunning and given to astrology.
The picture costs him no effort : the man is seized in the act and delivered to you, with no waste of words, with no essential lacking, classified as a museum specimen, impartially but with a tendency to severity ; and when Perez de Guzmdn has spoken, there is no more to say.
He is a good hater, and lets you see it when he deals with courtiers, whom he regards with the true St. Simonian loathing for an upstart.
But history has confirmed the substantial justice of his verdicts, and has thus shown that the artist in him was even stronger than the malignant partisan.
It is saying much. And to his endowment of observation, intelligence, knowledge, and character, Perez de Guzmdn joins the perfect practice of that clear, energetic Castilian speech which his forebears bequeathed him.
First pubHshed in , this work is nothing less than a report of the journey of Ruy Gonzdlez de Clavijo d. Clavijo tells of his wanderings with a quaint mingling of credulity and scepticism ; still, his witness is at least as trustworthy as Marco Polo's, and his recital is vastly more graphic than the Venetian's.
An alternative title — the Vtctorial — discloses the author's intention of representing his leader as the hero of countless triumphs by sea and land.
These affectations apart, Dfaz GAmez writes with sense and force ; exalting his chief overmuch, but giving bright glimpses of a mad, adventurous life, and rising to altisonant eloquence in chivalresque outbursts, one of which Cervantes has borrowed, and not bettered, in Don Quixote's great discourse on letters and arms.
Knight-errantry was, indeed, beginning to possess the land, and, as it chances, an account of the maddest, hugest tourney in the world's history is written for us by an eye-witness, Pero Rodrfguez de Lena, in the Libro del Paso Honroso Book of the Passage of Honour.
The fifteenth century finds the chivalrous romance established in Spain : how it arrived there must be left for discussion till we come to deal with the best example of the kind — Amadis de Gaula.
Here and now it suffices to say that there probably existed an early Spanish version of this story which has disappeared ; and to note that the dividing line between the annals, filled with impos- sible traditions, and the chivalrous tales, is of the finest : so fine, in fact, that several of the latter — for example, Florisel de Ntquea and Amadis de Grecia — take on his- torical airs and call themselves crSnicas.
The mention of the lost Castilian Amadis is imperative at this point if we are to recognise one of the chief contemporary influences.
For the moment, we must be content to note its practical manifestations in the extravagances of Suero de Quiftones, and of other knights whose names are given in the chronicles of Alvaro de Luna and Juan IL The spasmodic outbursts of the craze observable in the serious chapters of Dfaz Gimez are but the distant rumblings before the hurricane.
While Amadis de Gaula was read in courts and palaces, three contemporary writers worked in different veins. The latter title, not of the author's choosing, has led some to say that he borrowed from Boccaccio.
Martinez goes forth to rebuke the vices of both sexes in his age ; but the moral purpose is dropped, and he settles down to a deliberate invective against women and their ways.
Amador de los Rios suggests that Martfnez stole hints from Francisco Eximenis' Carro de la donaSy a Catalan version of Boccaccio's De claris mulieribus: as the latter is a panegyric on the sex, the suggestion is unacceptable.
The plain fact stares us in the face that Martfnez' immediate model is the Archpriest of Hita, and in his fourth chapter that jovial clerk is cited.
In- discriminate, unjust, and even brutal, as Martfnez often is, his slashing satire may be read with extraordinary pleasure : that is, when we can read him at all, for his editions are rare and his vocabulary puzzling.
He falls short of Ruiz' wicked urbanity ; but he matches him in keenness of malicious wit, in malignant parody, in pica- resque intention, while he surpasses him as a collector of verbal quips and popular proverbs.
The wealth of his splenetic genius it is nothing less affords at least one passage to the writer of the Celestina, Last of all — and this is an exceeding virtue — Martfnez' speech main- tains a fine standard of purity at a time when foreign corruptions ran riot.
Hence he deserves high rank among the models of Castilian prose. Another chaplain of Juan II. He follows Cicero's plan in the Definibus bonorum et malorumy intro- ducing Santillana, Mena, and Garcfa de Santa Marfa the probable author, as we have seen, of the King's CrSnica , In an imaginary conversation these great per- sonages discuss the question of mortal happiness, arriving at the pessimist conclusion that it does not exist, or — sorry alternative — that it is unattainable.
Lucena adds nothing to the fund of ideas upon this T ackneyed theme, but the perfect finish of his manner lends attraction to his lucid commonplaces.
The last considerable writer of the time is the Bachelor Alfonso de la Torre fl. Nominally, the Bachelor offers a philo- sophic, allegorical novel ; in substance, his work is a mediaeval encyclopaedia.
It is notable that, despite their new Italian environment, Alfonso's singers write by pre- ference in Castilian rather than in their native Catalan.
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